Gender Variance Throughout the World

The article, Intersexuality and Alternative Gender Categories in Non-Western Culture, written by, Claudia Lang and Ursula Kuhnle discusses Western Culture’s binary gender system and compares it to cultures that support gender variance. The article emphasizes that in many of the cultures mentioned, the discussed individuals rarely have a disorder which effects sexual development. The article concludes from anthropological literature on these cultures, that a category of peoples exist beyond male and female.

In Western culture, individuals seen as intersexed are often treated for a medical condition. This treatment can extend so far as corrective genital surgery. Within Western society, individuals may be forced to “…choose either a male or female role, whereas other (non-Western) societies consider their condition special, and give them a special gender role often associated with a high social status” (Lang and Kuhnle, 240).

            

There is a notable difference between the terms “sex”and “gender”. Sex is defined by biolgical factors, whereas, gender is a reflection of social influnces and mental attributes. Gender Identity  is how a person feels about their gender. Gender Roles are the presentation of these feelings, and Gender Status is assigned to a person by their culture based upon the other two terms. Gender Variance is a term for those who present their gender outside of typical male and female boundaries (Lang and Kuhnle).

According to Lang and Kuhnle gender variances are found in a number of cultures. Limited medical research 

exists on these individuals. Because of this, “…hormonal or genetic defects have neither been sought, nor identified” (Lang and Kuhnle, 241). From this, it is Lang and Kuhnle’s assumption, that in the majority of instances, individuals have no medically defined sexual developmental problems. The author’s note that within their article, “The term ‘disorder of sex development’ has been used only when a medically proven condition was present” (Lang and Kuhnle, 241).

          

A 5cx-Reductase-Deficiency is a “…medically defined form of intersexuality for whom a separate and defined gender status is reported…” (Lang and Kuhnle, 241). The deficiency presents itself in individuals as an XY karyotype resulting in inner male genitalia, but outer female genitalia. Basically, the phallus is either underdeveloped, or the clitoris is bigger than in a typical female. In Papua New Guinea, these individuals, who begin life as female, but who develop into males around puberty are not unknown. These individuals are placed into a third gender category. They will be initiated through the first two of three steps to becoming a man, but in the end are considered neither male nor female (Lang and Kuhnle).

As an example of gender variance that is not explained by medical conditions, Lang and Kuhnle, describe the nadlehee (berdache) in the Navajo culture of North America. Nadlehee take on the opposite gender roles from what their anatomical sex suggests. They do so in mannerisms, sexuality, and costume. Primarily, biological males, the nadlehee represent a gender identity between male and female. Motivation for this gender swap seems to rely less on sexual preference, than preference for the opposite gender’s assigned work (Lang and Kuhnle).

Though nadlehee are almost extinct in modern times, these individuals formerly held a high status in Navajo culture. It is interesting to note, that within Navajo culture there were once “five genders and three sexes” (Lang and Kuhnle, 243). The nadlehee’s role was often as a mediator between men and women. Because of this, Lang and Kuhnle suggest that nadlehee were not individuals with a medical condtion, but rather a third gender category of  neither male nor female (Lang and Kuhnle).

  

 Gender Variance, is not always as openly excepted as with the nadlehee. In India, the hijra, are put in a separate caste of people who identify with neither male nore female constructs. A hijra can be born or made. Because one can become a hijra through surgery, hijra represent a thir gender category. Medical reports on hijra, support the claim the to be a hijra is usually, a result of the individuals desire to live as this third gender. “There is only a single medical report documenting physical and biological anomalies in six individuals claiming to be hijra” (Lang and Kuhnle, 244). Hijra are seen to be of low class, especially from the perspective of the wealthy, who often pity them. In contrast, lower-class individuals, both revere and fear them. Often hijra are attributed with supernatural powers. Hijra work primarily as prostitutes, but also are asked to perform for weddings and and birth ceremonies (Lang and Kuhnle).

The Indian view on hijra seems hypocritical. Though hijra are considered outcasts, and deviants, they are given important roles in major ceremonies. The conflicting way that hijra are viewed in Indian society brings forth the question of whether or not India is more accepting of gender variance than other cultures or less so. It would seem that in India there is more room for gender variance with the existence of hijra, but because the hijra are seen as a low caste in India, gender identity may actually be more limiting (Lang and Kuhnle).

 In Siberian culture, another kind of gender variance exists. Shamans, reportedly have the ability to change sex in what has been referred to as “religiously motivated transvestitism” (Lang and Kuhnle, 245). This change is associated with the influence of ghosts. It is not considered to be the choice of the individual to transform. There are three steps within the transformation. In the first, the individual changes his hair style to a female’s. Then, the shaman begins crosdressing, before the final step of becoming completely female, including having intercourse with men. After the transformation, the individual’s social status increases (Lang and Kuhnle).

Within the article, Intersexuality and Alternative Gender Categories in Non-Western Culture, many types of gender variance within non-western cultures are discussed. A great deal of emphasis is placed on cultures that support additional gender roles, for non-medical reasons. Despite the fact that medical anomalies can result in gender variance within a culture, there are many examples of social gender variance. In the Navajo culture, nadlehee embody an in-between gender category who can act as mediators between male and female identified individuals. Indian hijra, are an example of a gender variance group who are out-casted for their identity as a third gender. However, the hijra are also asked to perform in important ceremonies. For an example of religiously motivated gender variance, Lang and Kuhnle describe the shamans of Siberia. The shamans, influenced by ghosts, change sex from male to female and will begin having sex with men in the final stage of the process. Each of these examples brings to heart the question of gender variance acceptance within our own binary-gender system (Lang and Kuhnle). 

Lang, Claudia and Kuhnle, Ursula. "Intersexuality and Alternative Gender Categories in Non-Western       Cultures." Department for Anthropology and African Studies: Hormone  Research (2008): 240-250.

The Female Body Standard

My momma’s arms encircle me. I cuddle into her embrace, cherishing the warm softness of her skin, the peppery-coconut tang of her lotion that filled me with a sense of security. She smoothed my cropped hair behind my ear and whispered that she loved me. I responded exuberantly, brimming over with affection for my momma, “I love you too!” I remember her curves, deep, strong curves that swayed like the ocean when she walked. Her legs were sturdy tree trunks that supported life filled branches. I loved my momma’s feather soft belly that I sunk into when I rested my head against her. To me, my mother was beautiful. She was strong, elegant, and beautiful, always beautiful.

When my parent’s told me that my momma was getting surgery to be smaller, I did not understand. I wanted to know why she needed to be smaller. My parents never really explained. My grandmother stayed with us while my momma was in the hospital. My grandmother was strict, and harsh, but she was nicer than usual. She knew my siblings and I missed our momma. When Momma came home, she was weak and in a lot of pain. I was not allowed to cuddle against her, though I so wanted to.

She lost weight quickly, drastically, and cheerfully. I was disturbed. I missed my momma’s depth, her strength…her beautiful curves. I used to sit at the edge of her bed while she changed in the mornings, after my father went to work. I saw the scars from the operation. I did not understand why my momma had traded her elegant fat for screaming red scars. I did not ask her about the scars. My momma was happier than I had seen her in some time. As time passed, this happiness faded. I forgot about the surgery and the scars. I came to accept how my momma had changed.


My family sits around the dining room table. My two eldest siblings are absent, grown and moved out already, while I am only in third grade. My brother sits across from me, smiling and goofy like always. I smile back; a secret conversation passes between our facial expressions. My father clears his throat and looks to my mother. She clears her throat and I watch the loose skin around her jaw wobble with the vibrations. “Phillip, Megan, we need to talk.” I put down my fork. I’m filled with the familiar sense of pre-lecture dread.

“You’re father and I think that we need to tell you both that we are worried about you.” My mother looks at us sternly. I scoot my heels nervously across the floor. The rubber squeaks slightly and I can’t stop a small, lopsided smile from creeping over my “serious” face.

“You two look like you are gaining a lot of weight recently…you especially, Megan.” I flush deep, humiliated pink.

“We have decided to do something about it, even if that means we need to put you both in a rubber suit in a sauna.” My dad’s attempt at humor makes my reddening face hot with shame. Both my parents looked at me directly. Suddenly, a terrible wheedling thought surfaced in my mind. They were only mentioning Phillip to spare me feeling bad.

I took their words to heart, and so began my foray into the dieting world. I knew dieting was a bad idea, especially at my age. Mainly I knew that to say you were dieting meant that people would know that you thought you were fat. People could never know that. Only stupid girls cared about their weight. I was smart, too smart to believe the magazines and television when they told me what girls were supposed to look like. Secretly, I was no better than anyone else at fighting off those messages.

My parent’s conversation at dinner with me only helped solidify thoughts I already had. I was fat. I needed to do something about it. I joined the girl’s volleyball team and stopped eating sweets. I cut down on my portion sizes. After school I would run laps around my yard until I felt sick and then I would run two more. To my disbelief and frustration, I continued to gain weight. I tried to hide it by dressing in clothes too big for me, but I could not fool myself.


I come home from school one day and I see my mother sitting on the couch. She is in running clothes and looks tired. “Where have you been?” I’m only in sixth grade, but I am already a straight forward talker. “At the gym,” she replies. She goes on to tell me that she thinks it would be great if we bonded over her newly found diversion. I agree, thinking in the back of my mind that it wouldn’t hurt for me to lose a few pounds. She tells me that she is excited for me to be her motivational workout partner. “You can keep me on track.”

The gym is not something I enjoy, but I go religiously for a while. Every day, I spend thirty minutes working with the machines and stretching with a community of woman all at least twenty years my senior. Sometimes they look at me curiously, but none of them question me being there. My mother stops going as often, because the machines are hard on her body. To compensate, she joins the gym’s diet program. She brings me a long.

The first night we fill out a questionnaire to see what sort of nutrients is our major issue as far as weight gain. I score highest in calories, while she scores highest in carbohydrates. She frowns at my results for a moment and then says to the leader, “trust me, she needs to work on her carbohydrates too.” By the end of the meeting we have our meal plan set up. We are to replace one meal a day with protein shakes, and to eat salads for lunch. I am looking forward to the diet. I spend the car ride home guiltily envisioning what my new body will look like. I do not tell anyone at school what I’m doing. Part of me still knows that admitting you are fat is wrong.

I go through a couple of weeks with the new diet, but I feel tired all the time. I hate the powdery protein shakes that taste acidic like stomach acid. I begin to get tired of salads, and I’m hungry a lot. I feel weak when I exercise so I stop going to the gym. My mother complains that I’m not holding up my end of the bargain. She says that since she is paying all of this money I should at least do it right. I go through the motions, drinking chocolate powder shakes, taking salads to school for my lunch. I don’t lose any weight, but I feel ill. Eventually, my mother gets a call from the leader of the diet group. We are supposed to meet with her to discuss things. The woman says I can’t participate in the diet anymore because if a doctor found out the gym could get into trouble. My mother is annoyed, but she agrees.


It’s a beautiful day, school is over, I have just finished tenth grade. It’s the 4th of July. I am excited to spend the day running around downtown with my boyfriend. I am going to watch my nieces in the parade. I dress carefully, I select Capri pants, a white t shirt, and a red ribbon for my hair; denim blue, cotton white, and sequined red, the colors of our nation. I ride my bike downtown and embrace my boyfriend. We walk hand in hand while the parade traipses by, sirens blaring, children cheering, it’s a beautiful day.

That evening, I go to church with my parents and my boyfriend. Our church is having a fair for the holiday. I get my face painted, and I walk away from the booth covered cheek to cheek in a garish green butterfly. I strut back to my parent’s table, swelling with happiness. My father intercepts me and says in his nonchalant-fatherly voice, “Megan, I think you should know that your shirt is way too tight for you. It makes it obvious that you are overweight. Also, your boobs are really obvious; I just thought you should know.” I look at him, and I have no words. I am taken aback. I feel betrayed. I am embarrassed, horrified, and ashamed. I feel disgusting. I crumple to the floor in front of my church congregation, and I begin to sob. I try to back under a table so that no one sees me. My mother comes over and pats my back. I push her away. I see my boyfriend walking towards me. I stand and I run. I push past people at the doors and I tear into the twilight, sliding over the gravel parking lot. I run to the corner. My mother catches up to me in her car, my boyfriend is in the back seat. I can’t look at him as I climb through the passenger door.

The car is silent. My mother reaches towards me and strokes my arm. I jerk away, flinching from her touch. She glares at the road, “Maybe you didn’t want to hear it, but it’s true, Megan. Someone had to tell you.” I stop crying then. I look at her pure anger on my face, now it’s her who flinches. I open my mouth and hot, angry words spill out. “If you had a problem with what I was wearing, if any of you did, you should have said something this morning before I left the house, before I ran around like an idiot all day, feeling like I was pretty and like I looked good!”

I see my boyfriend in the back and he is looking at me. His face is a mask of sympathy and compassion. I melt a little, I soften. “I just want to change, that’s all.” I stay in my head for the rest of the car trip home. I think about dieting, about my tendency to throw up after I eat. I think about not eating. I think about running in circles until I can’t feel my feet. I think about how if you think you are fat then you are stupid. I know I am fat, I don’t feel stupid, but I do feel ugly, and I feel betrayed. I feel suffocated. I feel like who I am is not okay, I feel like when I am older I should get surgery like my mother did, back when she was my momma.

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I don't want anyone to mistake my intentions here. It was not that I was raised badly. My parent's intentions were good. They wanted me to be healthy, they also wanted me to be happy. No, their methods were not the best in this area, but I believe wholeheartedly that they meant well.

I am publishing this story for a few reasons. My first reason is that I think it is important for people to see what is happening to youth as far as body standards. My struggles with my weight were very heavily based in what the media told me I should look like. That continued to what my peers told me, what my family told me, what I told myself I should look like.

I feel a personal story helps people see that these messages are real.

I want to ask you all to think about how this story could be anyone's story. What are the messages we send with our actions and our words?

Biological Determinism Vs. Social Construction

Biological Determinism is the idea that our gender if biologically assigned along with our sex. This line of thinking suggests that some genders are biologically advantaged in some areas and disadvantaged in others. A common example is to say that women are traditionally caregivers because they are naturally more emotional, caring, and or sensitive than men. Likewise, men are in fields related to math and sciences because men are more logical, analytical, and or intelligent than women. Biological Determinism supports traditional gender roles suggesting that these roles are natural for women and men.

Social Construction suggests that gender is not a biological assignment like sex, but is instead a creation of culture. The idea here is that individuals are socialized in to gender roles based on cultural pressures to conform. The argument is that women are not naturally better at caregiver roles, but that they fall in to them because in society they are told that that is their job. To support this assignment, girls are raised differently than boys. For instance, girls are given dolls, and encouraged to play “house” whereas boys are given toys more appropriate for their future gender roles.

Social Construction is a great deal less limiting on an individual. If someone is told they cannot do something because it acts against their culture, there is more room for rebellion than if someone is told that they cannot do something because they are biologically incapable. For example, if a woman wants to go to college and someone tells her she cannot because women are more fragile than men, less intelligent than men, or less logical than men, the woman hits a hard wall. If instead, the reason is that women cannot go to college because the culture does not see it as proper; she is more likely to be able to combat that line of thinking. However, it is easy to see how using Biological Determinism in a situation could lead to constructing social roles that limit someone based on their gender.